“The Central Kingdom” is pregnant of political implications as well as of geographical and cultural significance. It was believed that whoever controlled Zhongguo (the Central Kingdom or China) would be the legitimate ruler over Tianxia (the realm under heaven or all under heaven). It was the contention for “the Central Kingdom” among the varieties of dynasties, notably those established by the Han-Chinese and the various ethnic groups in the northern borderland, that lead to the alternation of disintegration and unification of the territory. It was not until the Qing Dynasty that the unified “Central Kingdom” composed of a variety of ethnic groups turned into the ideal “realm under heaven” with “the Central Kingdom” at its core, which naturally put an end to the formation of territory in ancient China.

Maps act not only as the carrier of the geographical information but also as the symbolic expression of particular cultural and political concepts, by which we can understand those people’s knowledge about themselves as well as about others. The maps drawn by the Europeans from the 16th to the 18th centuries vividly express the self-centeredness of the Europeans influenced by both the Christian and modern civilization concepts, and the maps also expressed their comments on the other parts of the world in such a mentality. Some characteristic maps and illustrations in the atlas of European history demonstrated how the Europeans formed and expressed their hierarchical perspective of the world geography. The position of China in the hierarchical world is one of the most important expressions of the European concept of China, and well served the purpose of our reflection on the cultural intercommunion.

In the Qing Dynasty, widows who did not remarry could become the right subject of adopting an heir. There were two main types, adoption by order and adoption by affection. Sometimes an heir with a different surname could also be adopted. Some relatively economic compensation actions were taken in the adoption. The widows’ right of adoption was restricted by such factors as patriarchy, clan, feudal ethical codes and conventions. However, the widows could appropriately use law to protect their rights and interests. Meanwhile, when the magistrates judged cases about adoption, they were usually apt to support the widows’ requests so as to protect the rights and interests of social vulnerable group with fully applying the right of discretion.

During Sichuan’s promotion of education in the late Qing Dynasty, trees in the domain of Buddhist or Daoist temples, which were part of temples’ property, had been felled across the province. The profits gained were used to repair or build schools as well as to fund their management. In different regions, the characteristics and intentions of the felling activities differed. Meanwhile, such fever gave rise to corrupt practices of deceitfully seeking profits which in turn caused numerous disputes and lawsuits, reflecting the confrontation provoked between the state and the people as well as different communities over tradition, ritual, and belief. The investigations of felling temple trees could enrich the understanding of provincial promotion for education in the late Qing period, and that of the social and cultural changes taking place in rural communities in modern times.

During the first half of the 20th century, when China experienced a new tide of urbanization, a tendency appeared, in which the upper strata moved to the urban center and the lower strata distributed over the marginal area, where poor people formed a new community. This marginal community bore distinctive characteristics no matter in spatial structure or in residents’ life style in the development of modern Tianjin. The lower culture from the marginal areas and the upper culture from the foreign concessions constituted an interaction urban cultural structure in modern China.

Around the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the income distribution system of party and government officials has experienced a great reform from the supply system featured by equalitarianism to the duty-graded salary system with strict ranks and wide gaps. This change runs against the convention of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and proposition of Marx Karl. Chairman Mao Zedong was never satisfied with this distribution system marked by strict ranks and tried to amend it. It amounted to the same at the end as his failure to prevent the generation of this system, even though it experienced “the Cultural Revolution.”